House Democrats make push for western Michigan seat that’s long been a GOP stronghold

Since winning a southwestern Michigan House seat in 2010, Rep. Bill Huizenga (R-MI) has built a reputation as a reliably conservative legislator who emphasizes policy over political theatrics.

That approach has served him well in Michigan’s 4th Congressional District, a sprawling stretch of the Wolverine State that includes Holland, Kalamazoo, and communities along the Lake Michigan shoreline. Republicans have long dominated much of the region, including to the north in and around Grand Rapids, which President Gerald Ford represented for nearly a quarter-century in Congress and for the final third or so as House minority leader. And Huizenga has comfortably won reelection every two years.

But this year looks different.

As is the case across the country, House Democrats need to net three seats in the 435-member chamber to claim a majority. It’s a task made easier by President Donald Trump’s sinking approval ratings amid persistent inflation, particularly spiking gas prices and an unresolved war with Iran.

In Michigan’s 4th Congressional District, Huizenga, 57, faces state Sen. Sean McCann, a Democrat from Kalamazoo, elected to his seat in 2018 after a four-year stint in the state House starting in 2011. McCann, 55, has already demonstrated an ability to raise money, attract national attention, and make the race about issues that hit voters’ wallets. And Democrats believe the Republican incumbent is more vulnerable than ever.

Left: Democratic nominee state Sen. Sean McCann (D-MI); Right: Rep. Bill Huizenga (R-MI) (seanmccannforcongress.com; Paul Sancya/AP)

“I think Republicans would be making a pretty significant mistake if they dismissed what’s happening in Michigan’s 4th Congressional District as nothing more than Democratic wishful thinking,” Mike Fahey, a campaigns expert, told the Washington Examiner. “But I also wouldn’t start measuring the drapes in Sean McCann’s congressional office just yet.”

That may be the best way to describe the race.

Independent polling has been limited, but national handicappers increasingly view the race as competitive. The Cook Political Report and Sabato’s Crystal Ball rate it a toss-up, while Inside Elections gives Huizenga a slight edge, rating the race “tilt Republican.”

The uncertainty reflects a larger question: Is western Michigan actually becoming more Democratic, or are Republican voters simply growing increasingly willing to punish their own party?

“There’s a difference between a district becoming Democratic and a district becoming frustrated with Republicans,” Fahey said. “I think we’re seeing much more of the latter here.”

That question will be tested across Michigan, which has tracked Trump’s political fortunes in presidential races — wins in 2016 and 2024, with a 2020 loss sandwiched in between. Michigan is now the epicenter of American politics as Election Day, Nov. 3, approaches.

That’s because the state is host to a premier Senate race between former Rep. Mike Rogers, the GOP nominee, and Democratic rival Abdul el Sayed. Two other House districts feature highly competitive races. There’s also an open-seat governor’s contest. And Democrats are looking to erase the 58-52 Republican majority in the state House. In addition, there are open-seat races for state attorney general and secretary of state, plus a slew of competitive downballot fights.

A Republican district with an opening

Western Michigan remains Republican territory. Trump carried the district in 2024, while Huizenga outperformed him by 6.2 percentage points. He also outpaced the 2022 Republican gubernatorial candidate by 12.7 points.

That matters because it shows Huizenga has built a personal political brand that can withstand some national headwinds. It also points to the voters McCann needs.

“That tells me there are voters who are perfectly comfortable splitting their tickets, and those are exactly the people McCann needs to reach,” Fahey said.

Political pundit and one-time Democratic presidential candidate Jason Palmer told the Washington Examiner that western Michigan is “not quite the Republican stronghold it used to be,” citing shifting suburban voters and growing economic frustration.

The aging J.H. Campbell coal plant has become a proxy for a broader debate over energy reliability, jobs, and electricity costs in Michigan. (Joel Bissell/Kalamazoo Gazette via AP)

McCann is trying to turn that frustration into a referendum on Huizenga’s 16 years in Washington.

“Sixteen years in Washington is an advantage when voters like the direction of the country and a liability when they don’t,” said Palmer, who won the 2024 American Samoa Democratic presidential caucuses, with 51 votes compared to 40 for eventual winner Joe Biden. “Huizenga tied himself to Trump over the past decade, and now Trump’s an anchor pulling him down.”

Huizenga has acknowledged that voters remain concerned about everyday costs. He’s also argued that Republicans inherited a bad economy, saying his party is working to lower expenses. He has pointed to provisions in the 2025 tax law affecting overtime and tips as examples of policies designed to increase workers’ take-home pay.

He has also emphasized his legislative record, including his work on the House Financial Services Committee and efforts to rein in federal debt and ease regulations affecting community banks.

“I would argue that this has always been a ‘get work done’ kind of district, meaning you can’t take anyone or anything for granted,” Huizenga told the Detroit Free Press. “I never have and never will.”

For Democrats, however, that long record provides plenty of material to make the race a referendum on the incumbent.

“Bill Huizenga has never been held accountable for his record [of] cutting taxes for himself and his business, increasing his net worth fivefold, and sticking regular families with the bill — that all changes this year,” Katie Smith, a spokeswoman for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, told the Washington Examiner. “Sean McCann spent his career standing up to the powerful on behalf of the people, and he will win this race because Michiganders are ready for new leaders.”

Republicans are confident about Huizenga winning.

“Congressman Bill Huizenga consistently delivers for southwest Michigan, putting more money back in Michiganders’ pockets and protecting thousands of manufacturing jobs,” Republican National Committee spokesman Hunter Lovell said in a statement to the Washington Examiner. “Democrat Tax Man Sean McCann has never met a tax increase he didn’t like, and he’s vowed to undo every bit of progress Republicans have delivered for the Great Lakes State.”

Being a longtime incumbent should help Huizenga, even in a bad Republican year, said political analyst James Christopher. Huizenga’s experience and record of constituent service remain advantages in a district that has repeatedly returned him to Congress.

“Sixteen years buys you name recognition,” Christopher said. “It also puts your name on the frustration. Huizenga has to show what his experience delivers now, because time served isn’t a case for another term.”

Electricity becomes a political issue

The most potent local issue may be the future of the J.H. Campbell coal plant near West Olive, an unincorporated area along Lake Michigan’s shoreline.

The aging plant has become a proxy for a broader debate over energy reliability, jobs, and electricity costs. Republicans argue that reliable power requires keeping generation available. Democrats counter that consumers should not be forced to pay more to extend the life of an aging facility.

The politics are straightforward because voters do not need to follow energy policy to understand a higher utility bill, Christopher said.

“The Campbell dispute turns a Washington decision into a kitchen-table question: What am I paying for, and is it worth it?” he added.

Palmer described the fight in similar terms.

“Coal plant politics are pocketbook politics in this district,” he said. “Both parties promise cheaper energy, but voters want results, not excuses.”

That gives McCann an opening in a district where Democrats may not win an ideological argument but can make a practical one: Are families better off than they were when Huizenga first took office?

McCann, who chairs the Michigan Senate Energy and Environment Committee, has a natural connection to the issue. He has also pointed to Democratic accomplishments in Lansing, including an expanded earned income tax credit and free meals for K-12 students.

His campaign raised $1.8 million in the third quarter, according to campaign-provided figures, nearly $500,000 more than Huizenga during the same period.

“Western Michigan isn’t quite the Republican stronghold it used to be,” Palmer said. “Suburban voters are shifting, economic frustrations are growing, and McCann’s an especially good candidate who’s running a pragmatic, pocketbook-focused campaign.”

National Democrats see an opportunity

The race has attracted national Democratic attention, most notably from former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who campaigned with McCann in October.

Buttigieg’s appearance signaled that Democrats believe the district is worth the investment, Palmer said. But Christopher warned that the same attention could create a liability.

“[Buttigieg] can’t lend McCann a personal relationship with the district,” he said. “A surrogate gets voters to look; the candidate has to give them a reason to stay.”

Democrats have also pointed to turnout as evidence of growing enthusiasm. More Democrats than Republicans voted in the district’s August primary, according to McCann’s campaign, which said Democratic participation was roughly 10 times higher than in 2022.

That isn’t proof of a Democratic takeover, but it does show Democrats see an opening.

Republicans aren’t conceding anything

Republicans argue that McCann’s momentum is overstated and that Huizenga’s record in the district remains his strongest asset.

“Congressman Bill Huizenga is a proven leader who delivers results for Southwest Michigan,” Zach Bannon, spokesman for the National Republican Congressional Committee, told the Washington Examiner. “Meanwhile, Democrat Tax Man Sean McCann has made a career out of sticking taxpayers with the bill while lining his own pockets.”

The NRCC and Huizenga campaign have already committed more than $1.1 million to the race, with additional spending reserved for the closing weeks.

That investment is itself significant. A seat that once would have required little national Republican attention now demands real resources.

“This could be national frustration landing on a local incumbent,” Christopher said. “Affordability creates the pressure; the plant dispute gives it a local address.”

The question is whether that frustration is strong enough to overcome Republicans’ structural advantages. McCann must persuade undecided voters in the last few days of the race that Huizenga deserves blame for their frustration and that he should be trusted to replace him.

“McCann still has to make his own case,” Christopher said. “Being unhappy with your congressman doesn’t automatically mean you trust his replacement.”

BILL HUIZENGA SPARES GOP MESSY PRIMARY BY OPTING OUT OF MICHIGAN SENATE RUN

For Huizenga, the challenge is different. He must convince voters that 16 years in Congress is an asset rather than proof that it is time for someone new.

The race is one of many that Republicans can no longer afford to take for granted.

Barnini Chakraborty (@Barnini) is a senior political reporter at the Washington Examiner.

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